The Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case, the proceedings of which are still secret

“A little while ago, a conspiracy of the enemies of Pakistan was caught. The purpose of this conspiracy was to spread disorder and chaos in the country through violence and for this purpose to destroy the loyalty of Pakistan forces.

This statement was issued by the Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan on March 9, 1951, in which the famous Rawalpindi Conspiracy case was mentioned. More than a dozen important officers of the Pakistan Army were involved in this case. Officers were arrested for the conspiracy, tried in a ‘closed room’ by a special court whose proceedings have been kept secret to this day.

Even during the trial, the details of the proceedings were not provided in writing to the officers involved. The case was heard and decided by three judges from 1951 to 1954 in the Hyderabad Central Jail.

Major General Akbar Khan was said to be the alleged ringleader of the officers who were detained. According to Akbar Khan, his aim was not to capture the government, but he wanted an immediate constitution in the country and a solution to the Kashmir issue.

In the announcement of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, the situation was further described as follows: ‘The government came to know about the impure intentions in time, so the arrest of the masterminds of this conspiracy has taken place today. These are, Chief of General Staff of Pakistan Army Major General Akbar Khan, Brigadier Commander Mutin Quetta Brigade MA Latif, Editor of Pakistan Times Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Begum of Major General Akbar Khan Mrs. Akbar Khan.

“The two army officers involved in the conspiracy have been dismissed with immediate effect. It is fortunate for all of us that we came to know about it before the conspiracy took root. I am sure that the public will be deeply saddened to hear about this, just as I am deeply shocked.

“The public will fully appreciate the sensitivity of the matter that for reasons of national security it is not possible for me to make public the details of those involved in this conspiracy.” It will be enough for me to say that if these people were successful, the impact of their actions would directly affect the foundations of our existence and the stability of Pakistan would be at risk.’

“I do not wish to hide the deep shock I feel when the forces have taken serious action against two senior officials of Pakistan, but in the current situation, as the security and defense of Pakistan has been put in grave danger, I feel that Being the Prime Minister and the Defense Minister of Pakistan, my duties in both positions are clear.

This entire statement is quoted in Captain Zafarullah Poshni’s book. Pushni was also an accused in the conspiracy case who was arrested on 15 May 1951. Before the Prime Minister’s speech, Major General Akbar Khan and some other military officers and non-military personnel were detained.

In Major General Akbar Khan’s Raiders in Kashmir, he wrote that ‘In December 1950 I was promoted to the rank of General and at the same time appointed Chief of the General Staff at General Headquarters, Rawalpindi. General Ayub Khan was the Deputy Commander-in-Chief at the time and was to be appointed as the Commander-in-Chief after a few weeks.

“I had clearly informed him that due to my differences with the government on the Kashmir issue, which is known to all, neither my promotion nor as Chief of General Staff is appropriate. My appointment is expedient. General Ayub Khan replied, “I have asked you personally from the government, so you should approve this appointment.”

‘There seemed to be no excuse left for me now, although I was absolutely sure of two things, first, that every month that passed meant one more nail was driven into the coffin of Kashmir, and Secondly, neither General Ayub Khan nor the government had any intention to stop this situation.

‘On February 22, 1951, the last meeting which came to be known as the Pindi Conspiracy was held at my house. Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Mohammad Hussain Atta of Pakistan Times were also present in this meeting, besides a few others. After seven hours of deliberation, it was decided in the meeting that the move which had been proposed earlier would not be implemented.

“The result of the proposal that I presented in the meeting was that before taking any action in Kashmir, there is a need to establish a government in Pakistan that will be our back,” the draft of the proposed declaration by the Governor General. Which is written by my hand is still preserved in the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case Memoirs.

The main points of the declaration were that the old government would be dismissed and a caretaker civil government would be installed in its place, a date for elections based on adult suffrage, a constitution to be drawn up. A Constituent Assembly will be formed, elections will be guaranteed to be completely neutral by using neutral army missionaries and an advisory military council will be established consisting of all generals.

It is to be noted here that none of these suggestions of mine had any resemblance to the actions which Ayub Khan later carried out. He abrogated the constitution twice, while this declaration created a democratic constitution. He imposed martial law twice in the country, while on this occasion there was no intention to interfere with ordinary civil laws. Twice he imposed dictatorship in this country while it was intended to end the tendency to avoid the constitution which created the danger of dictatorship.

“A lot was said in this case at the time and a lot has been said ever since that if we had taken this action, many people would have been killed and I don’t know what would have happened, but all these things are absolutely false. . In the conspiracy case, the prosecution’s own witnesses and Sultani’s witnesses also testified in response to the court’s questions that there was no intention to shoot any person and in fact no person would have been arrested.

“Justice Abdul Rehman of the tribunal was very surprised when he received answers to various questions that I had directed the guns to be kept empty of cartridges and that not a single person was in my opinion worthy of arrest.”

“Despite the fact that these facts were well known to everyone, many people have been claiming until now that we were going to be killed or arrested, the purpose of which was to make these people popular in the eyes of the government and its Be loved. As far as I was concerned, after the judgment of the 23rd, the whole matter was over and there was nothing left for me to do.

“I did not think that the government would not be aware of what had happened so far, but I was unaware of the proceedings that had been initiated against me. A plan was prepared to arrest us on the morning of March 9, 1951, just one day before the elections in Punjab.

‘The night before the morning of the arrests, Lt. Col. Siddique Raja, who was later to become Sultani’s witness and who had already delivered his report to General Ayub Khan, came to me to inform me that the action against you is going to happen and there have been huge rumors in this regard. He was apparently very concerned about my safety, so he suggested that you take precautions.

‘I replied to them that I would take full responsibility for my actions and be prepared to face the consequences. I was hoping that if any action was taken against me, it would certainly be in accordance with the law, that is, that the officer concerned be placed under house arrest and brought before the Commander-in-Chief. But there is an indictment followed by an investigation and then a court-martial, if that was the case, I did not intend to hide anything.

‘That is why I did not destroy even one of the papers, letters and documents, etc., and so even on the last night, even though I was warned by two different sources, I slept very contentedly. I did not know that no legal regulation would be followed in my case.

I was fast asleep at night when some hundred men surrounded my house and captured my watchman triumphantly. At six o’clock in the morning, Major General Ziauddin knocked on the door of my bedroom and said that I have to meet you immediately on a very important matter. It was to be heard that I had no choice but to go out barefoot without wearing shoes to meet them. As soon as I came out, people with bayonets and Sten guns pounced on me from three sides in front and right and left.

“Even before this, during the skirmishes with the Japanese on the battlefield, enemy soldiers had pounced on me, but in such skirmishes there was never a ratio of one to 20, and I was no match for them. I now had to make a decision in the blink of an eye. So I let them come forward, and I think that as this childish game failed to impress me at all, the people rushing at me stopped in the middle, and the few who laid hands on me immediately stopped. Pulled.

‘It was enough to tell them that I was in custody, but the matter was supposed to be more important than that. As a result, the soldiers were urged to be alert immediately. The people who have come to me seem to fear that there will be a run of ghumsan in which they may have to surrender.

“Long after the incident, during the trial, Mr. AK Brohi, the prosecuting counsel, drew the Government’s attention to this insistence and repeatedly said that the revolver found on my head was loaded with bullets.

The glory of this joke is that according to General Ayub Khan’s belief, two divisions of the army were waiting for one voice to support me. No one knew where these two division armies were. Obviously, they could not exist among the Pakistani forces, because if it were so, they would have received information about it from Brigadier Habibullah and Lt. Col. Siddiq Raja, then it is also the government that they should have already contacted all the divisional commanders. had done

‘Such a heavy army, consisting of some 30,000 men, obviously could not have successfully concealed itself in or near my house, without any glimpse of its presence. I do not, but it is surprising to see how far a man’s flight of imagination can take him, then a man who could have foreseen the advance of the Russians across the Himalayas should have found it absolutely absurd. ‘

Interview with Major General Akbar Khan

For his published book ‘Pakistan, Generals and Politics’, Raqim Al-Haruf had an interview with Major General Akbar Khan at his residence in Karachi on April 28, 1987. His was the first case in Pakistan where military officers were detained for conspiring against the government. See what he said in conversation with Akbar Khan.

What was the plot?

The fact was that I myself was more popular among the army officers and they looked up to me and followed my ideas. Our views were not in harmony with the government. Major General Nazir Ahmed, who was senior to me, was also involved in this conspiracy and supported our ideas.

We did not have any meeting etc. in which any discussion regarding the future was held. People generally assured me of my support. I think 60, 50 officers were with us, of which the government arrested 15 and prosecuted them.

People like Faiz Ahmad Faiz and Sajjad Ahmad Zaheer were also arrested with us. Why were they with me? Because they wanted here, I myself was a native of NWFP and we had tried all my life to get the country free. (Laughs) I was so supported.

The situation was that Air Commodore Janjua who was an Air Force officer also joined us. They were also against the government and they also knew about me that I was against the government.

Who is Major General Akbar Khan?

I had my family background and the political environment of my area. Bacha Khan also belongs to Charsadda, my family was politically minded. The people of my area fought for freedom. My father supported Bacha Khan in the early days and even gave him a house in which Bacha Khan established the Khudai Khitmagar School.

My father’s name was Haji Muhammad Akram, he settled in Medina in 1934 and died there. My father was a big landowner. We are seven brothers. I belong to the Atmanzai tribe of Charsadda, where Wali Khan belongs to. Bacha Khan was inspired.

When I was studying in Islamia College Peshawar, I invited Bacha Khan to a meeting of Khyber Union. It was the time when the British ruled. I was the secretary of Pashto Union, but I was also the speaker of Khyber Union, I invited Bacha Khan. Khyber Union was named as the official union of Islamia College while Pashto Union was established by us. I agreed with Bacha Khan’s views in college life. Then I was commissioned in the army in 1931.

Akbar Khan, a famous general of his time, was introduced as the mastermind of this conspiracy. He was well received by a section of the army and the public in connection with the Kashmir war. The Muslims hated the British, the Pathans were fighting with the British in the tribal areas.

This fight was going on for hundred years. There are many tribes in the Frontier Province who joined us after the British left. These same tribes fought side by side with the Pakistani forces against the Indian forces on the Kashmir front.

Note: See the second part of this article tomorrow.